The latest video released by Boko Haram showing a section of the missing Chibok girls should serve as incentive for deeper introspection. At the official
level, perhaps the moment has come to rethink a counter strategy that
increasingly looks impotent, if not suspect; even as public
communication is weaned of words that now sound more like broken record.
Gen. Buhari |
In the eleven-minute-long recording, the Abubakar Shekau-led faction unambiguously restated its old demand that its members held across the country be released as pre-condition for the release of the over 200 remaining Chibok girls.
As usual, a masked guy (Shekau?) in military fatigue is shown
blustering beside the girls who look expressionless in hijab against an
eerie black backdrop.
No
prize for guessing the possible motives behind Shekau's latest stunt.
Like any movement not inspired by an enduring or lofty value, the
accursed Boko Haram (BH) is obviously already choking on its grotesque
contradictions. With ISIS seeking to disrobe him by naming Abu Musab
al-Barnawi as the new leader, it is evident the bloodthirsty fugitive is
desperate for a pitch to demonstrate his nuisance value to the Nigerian
authorities.
Louis Odion |
True, hostage-taking in Nigeria did not start in April 2014 with the Chibok girls. But with the twists and turns witnessed in the past 28 months, this should be the most dramatized in human history. It is like
a slow-motion horror movie. The spectacle of aggrieved mothers
fellowshipping periodically, holding vigil, at a hearing distance from
Aso Rock gates in Abuja has become a constant source of national
embarrassment.
Well,
we are free to elect to live blissfully in denial by conveniently
making generous allowance for Shekau's blustering in the latest video
and the possible exaggerations - like claims that Nigeria's airstrike
had killed many of the girls. But the next footage in the flick should
be enough to sting us back to cold reality: the face and voice of one of
the captives, Dorcas Yakubu.
Speaking both Hausa and her
native Kibaku in a voice that strikingly sounds accustomed to the
tragic fate she and others find themselves, the teenager urged parents
to "be patient and beg the government to release their people, so that
we'll also be released."
Caught
between joy at a proof their daughter is still alive and sorrow at the
thought of the unthinkable she must have endured in the past 28 months,
Dorcas' parents, Mr. & Mrs. Kabu Yakubu, could only afford to make a
loud sigh in Abuja after watching the new video. Their testimony: "We
cried when we saw our daughter but we'll sleep better now."
They spoke from the very depth of anguish every true parent will feel.
For others who could not see or hear their loved ones, the nightmare obviously continues.
Today,
what however remains unknown is if, beyond the mouthing of platitudes
and shedding of crocodile tears, anyone in Abuja truly feels the kind of
soul-wrenching pain parents of the Chibok girls have endured in the past 28 months to want to literally move mountains to free the captives.
The dumbest apology to give today is to say Buhari is ready to negotiate with BH but
is handicapped over which faction to talk to. Unless the government
wants us to believe its intelligence-gathering capacities and
capabilities are dead and so now fit only for the cemetery.
Legion
stories are told of how western nations like Britain had passed
credible intelligence to the Jonathan administration on the precise
location of the Chibok girls earlier in the day but, as usual, it
refused to lift a finger until it became too late. In fact, one account
states that the girls were initially camped on the other side of the
river for several days in April 2014 without any intervention by the
authorities until they were presumably herded deep into the dreaded
Sambisa forest.
But
lamenting missed opportunities is no longer defensible today. What we
want now is result by any means necessary, realizing that each passing
day means a continuation of their abuse in captivity.
Elsewhere
in the west, the mere echo of Mr. & Mrs. Yakubu's words, to say
nothing of the sheer spectacle of their presence, would be enough to
drive leaders into extra-ordinary exertions with a view to liberating
citizens so held in bondage, anywhere. In the circumstance, such leaders
begin to pick and choose sections of the Geneva Convention to obey.
Officially,
the tendency is for western nations to openly pontificate that
ransom-payment in turn fuels terrorism. That cash paid is soon invested
by the receivers to buy new weapons and finance training. But
unofficially, countries like Italy, Germany, France and Spain are known
to have paid ransoms through private companies to free their nationals
from terrorists, convinced that the end ultimately justifies the means.
UK,
for instance, is known to turn a blind eye if relations or companies
slipped cash to have their loved ones freed. That was how Judith
Tebbuth's release was secured in 2012. In 2014, the same tactic was
employed to secure the release of teacher David Bolam from the clutches
of ISIL in Libya.
Same
year in the US, the Obama administration swapped five Al-Qaeda suspects
held at the Guantanamo detention facility for one American soldier,
Sergeant Bowe Bergdahl, after five years in captivity, whipping the
sentiment of an ironclad commitment "to leave no man or woman in uniform
behind on the battlefield". Washington engaged the government of Qatar
as the go-between in the indirect negotiations.
Decades
earlier, the Reagan administration did something far more unorthodox to
free seven US hostages held by Iranian terrorists in Lebanon. Despite
subsisting arms embargo against Tehran, Washington opted to sell arms
secretly to Iran during its war with Iraq in a complicated covert deal
that soon birthed the Iran-Contra scandal. Once the illicit cargoes
began to berth in Tehran, three of the US hostages in Beirut were let
off, though three more were taken in what a Washington top official
later described cynically as "hostage bazaar".
More
filth surfaced in 1986 after a Lebanese newspaper blew the whistle on
the secret deal. Not only was Reagan exposed, it was also discovered
that only $12m out of the expected $30m had reached government coffers.
It soon came to light that the balance had been diverted to fund the
contra rebels being propped by Washington to combat the communist
government in Nicaragua since the US congress had outlawed such direct
monetary aid through formal channel.
To be fair, President Buhari only inherited the Chibok girls
issue. Still, the government deserves credit for rallying a relentless
campaign against BH in the past fifteen months so much that relative
peace has now returned to the hitherto beleaguered North-East, even as
it is left to face a huge refugee crisis. But to suggest that the war is
now totally over as the military high command is wont to claim lately
with the over 200 Chibog girls still unaccounted for is to miss the
human angle to the historic tragedy.
One lesson the Buhari people appear not to have learnt from the Jonathan mishap is rehashing the same rhetoric each time the Chibok girls
question is raised. The other day the Information Minister reassured
that the government was still on top of the situation. Well, Lai
Mohammed just said what is expected of him. Really, no one can say the
president has forgotten the Chibok girls.
After all, he gave a plum appointment to one of the conveners of the
BringBackOurGirls Group. And since Ms. Hadiza Usman assumed duties as
the Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority, at least one of
the eloquent BBOG voices has since become muted. Even if she is not too
engrossed sorting cargoes at the Lagos ports to forget or have time to
attend the BBOG fellowships in Abuja, her presence there today will
certainly be incongruous.
Really,
what the aggrieved parents desire and indeed deserve is not just tons
of nice words from Mohammed. If truly the government is quietly moving
mountains to get the girls released, it
ought to device an effective channel the information is shared with the
traumatized. Had this been the case, it is doubtful if Oby Ezekwesili
and other committed activists will continue to speak so bitterly each
time they congregate at the Unity Square in Abuja. But for the uncommon
patriotic zeal of these volunteers, perhaps the memory of the abducted
would have long faded, if not totally extinguished, by now.
Again,
whoever counseled the Army authorities to publicly declare wanted last
Sunday three individuals known to have links with Boko Haram did the
nation a disservice. If the measure was intended to project the
authorities as being proactive, it has surely backfired. For no sooner
had the announcement been made than the duo of Mrs. Aisha Wakil (aka
Mama Boko Haram) reported at the Defence Headquarters in Abuja and lawyer Ahmed Bolori turned himself in at the Army Headquarters in Maiduguri. Journalist Ahmad Salkida expressed willingness to travel down from his Dubai base once he receives ticket fare.
Mama
Boko Haram, for instance, soon expressed disgust that the Army could go
ahead and declare her wanted like a fugitive when, according to her,
they knew her address and how to reach her.
The
Army spokesman later explained that the trio were invited out of a
belief that they knew more than they were willing to share vis-a-vis the
location of the abducted. A claim the accused did not deny. From the
utterances of Mrs. Wakil and Bolori after meeting with the military
authorities, it would appear they are more than willing to be engaged in
the search to rescue the missing girls. The trio is not alone. A
serving senator, Shehu Sani, is also known to have links with the BH
leaders. Rather than alienate or demonize them, such individuals ought
to be co-opted into the search for the missing girls as a matter of
national urgency.
In
the unlikely event that all the remaining captives are being assembled
in one location, given the young lives involved, let it however be
stressed that no one is advocating a re-enactment of the daring Entebbe
raid of 1976 when Israeli commandos stormed Uganda's International
Airport in Kampala to free 100 of their nationals being held hostage by
pro-Palestinian gunmen. After a 35-minute fire-fight, the toll exacted
was not only heavy in human but also in material terms: three hostages
lay dead beside seven hijackers, twenty Ugandan troops and the leader of
the invading unit, Lt. Colonel Yonatan Netanyahu (brother of future
Israeli Prime Minister). Completely wrecked also were eleven
Russian-built MiG fighters of the Ugandan Air Force.
Nor
can anyone afford a repeat of the Moscow solution applied in Russia in
October 2002 following the hijack of a theatre by some 50 Chechen
rebels. A record 700 theatre-goers were taken hostage. After a
57-hour-standoff at the Palace of Culture, the Russian special forces
who had surrounded the hall were at their wits' end. In what became one
if the worst rescue operations in history, they resorted to the quick
fix by simply lobbing a pipe into the hall through which a lethal narco
gas was discreetly sprayed. By the time the fume settled, no fewer than
120 hostages and most of the militants had been wasted. The official
defense was that gassing was the most prudent option in the circumstance
to disarm the militants before they had time to detonate their
explosives.
In the two foregoing scenarios, the casualty toll was quite heavy. While no one will at this point prescribe a similar raid on the location where the Chibok girls
might be kept, several other options remain open to Abuja with a view
to quickly bringing a closure to what has clearly become one of the
darkest chapters in the nation's history. Swapping, as already mooted by
the affected, is not a bad idea.
In case President Buhari is still unaware, the hour has finally come to bring back our girls.
Ghana improves on 'stomach infrastructure'
President John Mahama of Ghana |
In
more than one way, Ghana is showing Nigeria superiority. In
chronological age, the country once addressed as "Gold Coast" already
comes first: she got her independence in 1957, three solid years ahead
of Nigeria (1960).
It
is only in upending democracy that she was slightly overtaken by her
Anglophone neighbour: military putschists struck in Accra a month
(February 24, 1966) after the "5 Majors" rumbled in Lagos (January 15).
In
contemporary terms, while it is true Nigeria discovered oil first,
Ghana, a newcomer in the sector, is fast evincing more gumption.
Despite
its manifest innumerable benefits, the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) is
yet to be passed into law in Nigeria as our political actors continue
to put personal/sectional interests before country.
But without much ado, the Ghanaian congress took a bi-partisan route and turned PIB to law few days ago.
Now,
Ghana has transited to the realm of creativity. Since All Progressives
Party (APC) was shellacked in the governorship polls in Ekiti State in
2014, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has often gloated one magic formula
- "stomach infrastructure" - did it. Claiming to understand the
psychology of politics better than the competition, PDP postulates that
physical offer of a "congo" (measure) of rice, salt and "wedging" that
cocktail with token cash on election eve is far more irresistible to
most voters than the catalogue of infrastructural projects delivered for
public use. Since it worked in Ekiti, PDP was then quick at laying
claims to the patent right of "stomach infrastructure".
But,
as usual, Ghana has exposed the structural inadequacies of that
Nigerian creation by simply proceeding to stretch "stomach
infrastructure" to its culinary limits. With campaigns revving up ahead
of their forthcoming presidential elections, members of the National Democratic Congress, the ruling party in Ghana, have been bringing the unusual to rallies: jollof rice massed cooked in massive pots. Those interested were encouraged to help themselves to the feast as campaign "starters".
At
a recent rally, a foot-soldier of NDC was seen squabbling with a
serving female minister during a session of jollof rice.
The
message should however not be lost: if they serve raw foodstuff in
Nigeria, in Ghana value is already added to the condiment before offer
is made to the people.
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