A cartoon published earlier by Punch offers perhaps the most prophetic
foreword to the political tragedy that climaxed in Ondo on November
26. Someone in an unconscious state is sketched being hustled away from the
shelter of the Iroko (big oak tree) as the Good Samaritan mutters, "struck by lightning".
Indisputably,
the Iroko moniker is patent for the brand of politics Dr. Olusegun Mimiko has
retailed in Ondo State in the past two decades. The ill-starred
vagrant depicted in the cartoon could only be Eyitayo Jegede, a
senior advocate he had anointed to succeed him as governor, only to finish poorly
in last weekend's polls.
The cartoonist's surreal evocation is
obviously rooted in Yoruba cosmology, which ordinarily invests
the Iroko shrub with some metaphysical prowess. But in the event that
such powers prove impotent under a tempest, so much that the proverbial
lightning could strike so viciously right under its shadow, it is then safe to
conclude that such Iroko must have "gba abode" (come under an evil spell).
What remains therefore is its decapitation as a rite in exorcism.
For a man who has more or less
dominated Ondo politics in the last decade, so sad
that Mimiko would end riotously on a low. Now completely stripped
after the November 26 endgame and haunted still by the grotesque shadow of PDP
in complete disarray on account of factionalization, it would be
entirely surprising today if Iroko is not already filled with
nostalgia for the comfort and the peace of mind the old Labour Party
had provided him before greed for power lured him to PDP in 2014.
Odion |
For an outgoing governor, nothing indeed
could be traumatizing as the thoughts of a hostile takeover. For a man obsessed
with the affectation of populism over the years and who, by action, seemed
forever apprehensive about how future historians would accommodate him, how
ironic that Mimiko will have to spend his remaining days in office
agonizing more on how to balance the naira and kobo in the financial book, let
alone bother about what fate awaits the sundry cenotaphs carved in his image
across the state.
But let no one shed tears for this
prodigal son. Alas, the Iroko of perfidy is irreverently toppled by
the whirlwind of Karma. Only poor students of history would not have foreseen
this calamitous end for Mimiko.
In hindsight, it is obvious that the
deep fissures in PDP at the national level contributed
to Jegede's defeat. But even as the chairman of the PDP Governors
Forum, Mimiko acted up his billing as a political sailor without
moral compass. All along, he continued to flirt with both the Makarfi camp and the Sheriff faction,
perhaps shamelessly hoping to bed one after the
other. Until Jimoh Ibrahim
locked the room and took away the key.
To be fair, overall, no one can deny the
fallen Iroko credits for modest achievements in the area of improved
healthcare (especially maternal welfare) and empowerment of market women through
the provision of stalls and soft loans.
But with the hostile take-over of last
weekend, Iroko has lost the opportunity to have a say in how his
story in the last eight years will be officially documented. And the stories of
his little miracle here and there will likely be completely obliterated when
the "enemies" commence a re-write after his exit.
Essentially, Mimiko's tragic
flaw stems from the carnal assumption that political success is to be measured
only by material acquisitions without subscribing to any enduring moral value.
To believe in nothing and stand for nothing is the worst cardinal sin. Even
common harlots are governed by some ethics – an obligation to keep
clients' confidentiality, for instance.
Now, Iroko's loneliness should
be framed in the proper context. In his hey-day, he conveniently chose to
believe that politics and politicking could exist in a moral vacuum. A
psychotic affliction which led my brother and colleague,
Sam Omatseye, to memorably characterize him as "whitlow of the South-west".
In his delusion, the
medical-doctor-turned-politician forgot that politics is defined by an avowal
of a set of values. Without that, the player is perhaps no better than
a motor-park
tout, scavenging
for his next meal ticket.
To the scion of the otherwise
illustrious Mimiko family of Ondo town, politics is all
about self and the preservation of narrow interests. That explains why his
political odyssey in the last seventeen years would now look more like an
adventure in treacheries and infamy.
As an appointee of Governor
Ade Adefarati of Alliance for Democracy (AD) between 1999 and 2002,
he was recruited by PDP to undermine his benefactor.
When Olusegun Agagu became
governor in 2003 through PDP's now infamous "operation totality" in
the South-west, he was compensated with the plum office Secretary to the
State Government.
Barely two years later, he was
"promoted" to Abuja as minister. But he wanted something bigger
- Agagu's job! That set him at odds
with Obasanjo and Agagu and would ignite a chain of events
culminating in his migration to the Labour Party in 2006.
His scant regard for loyalty explains
why he later felt no scruples in trading the otherwise much
cherished Labour badge away for a rickety accommodation in PDP two
years ago, thus casually abandoning mid-stream the teeming community of workers
across the country who had basked in the illusion of a toe-hold, if not
foothold, in political power in Nigeria through Ondo.
Yet, when it mattered most, when the PDP
hyenas callously left him defenestrated in 2006, it was the
same Labour that graciously offered him shelter and platform for
rehabilitation. Having used the vehicle to gain second term in 2012, he opted
to trade with PDP. Without conscience, he owed workers whopping six months
salaries, but had money to finance his surrogate's election bid. Without shame,
he again attempted to deceive the same labour unions weeks ago by
urging them to vote Jegede with a laughable promise to pay after the
elections.
The same lack of sense of loyalty also
explains why Mimiko hardly batted an eyelid three years ago before
clamping down heavily on the popular Adaba FM in Akure. For
airing news items he did not find flattering, he showed naked power by doing
the unthinkable - dug a deep valley in the only access road to the station!
That punitive action rendered it inaccessible to workers and clients.
Yet, when PDP "stole" his
mandate in 2007 and he was left alone in the wilderness, the
same Adaba FM provided him a platform to speak directly to
the Ondo public, at no cost.
At personal level, the ordeals
of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu
and Barrister Jimoh Ibrahim are now public knowledge. For
all Tinubu's moral and financial support during the protracted
legal battle to reclaim his stolen mandate, Mimiko, emboldened by his new
PDP friends in Abuja, would turn round to publicly call his old benefactor
unprintable names during his re-election bid in 2012.
If Jimoh Ibrahim chose to go
dirty and personal against Mimiko and his surrogate, it is probably
the only way the maverick businessman imagined he could avenge what he
considers a great betrayal. The story is told of how the Igbotako-born
publisher of Mirror Newspaper had extended huge financial support as well as
legal guidance and counseling to Mimiko while fighting Agagu between
2007 and 2008 even though the latter was supposed to be his kinsman.
But once Mimiko entered
office, as the story goes, one of the early actions he took was to
move against Ibrahim's interest in Ondo's hospitality sector.
In 2010 came a big drama at the Akure airport.
On landing from Abuja in a chartered propeller
aircraft, Mimiko decided to walk over and say "hello" to
Ibrahim nestling in his new Challenger jet. But no sooner had the
governor stepped onto the aisle than Ibrahim reportedly barked at him,
wondering what strange coffee he drank: "Who invited you to my
plane?! Get out of my plane!!"
With his security details left in a
quandary as Ibrahim raised hell, Mimiko quietly left the scene.
The paths of the two
old-buddies-turned-adversaries would again cross in 2011 when Ibrahim first
sought to contest the governorship on the platform of PDP, the sponsorship
of which he had since taken over. As the story goes, then
President Goodluck Jonathan counseled him to wait till 2016 as "Mimiko is
working for me even though he's in Labour Party."
Though disappointed at the turn of
events, Ibrahim obeyed Jonathan. Thus, "federal might" was put
behind Mimiko to overrun APC's Rotimi Akeredolu in
2012, rendering PDP's own Olusola Oke a political orphan in the
polls. But no sooner had Mimiko been sworn in for second term in 2013
than he, characteristically, decided to officially move over to PDP, thus
displacing Ibrahim's as the party leader in Ondo.
Extravagantly hoping Jonathan would
deliver himself in 2015, Iroko began to see himself as PDP's
clearing-house in South-west and, ipso facto, the new Yoruba leader.
Today, the lightning has struck
and Ibrahim is obviously having the last laugh.
NNPC, stupidity & Niger crude
Coming on the heels of perceived
"re-Northernization" of the commanding height of NNPC and the
presidential marching orders for the resuscitation of oil exploration in the
Lake Chad trough, the Buhari administration's latest pet project to
construct 1,000km-pipeline to link the Kaduna refinery with Niger Republic is
bound to further inflame the nation's already tense ethnic relations.
Maikanti Baru, the Group Managing
Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company, was quoted as announcing
at a town hall meeting in Kaduna last week that the decision stems from the
perennial difficulty experienced in transporting crude oil from the South-south
to the Kaduna Refinery and Petrochemical Company (KRPC).
His words: “Due to challenges with the
aged refinery and crude oil pipelines that had been breached severely, the
operations of the refinery have been epileptic. This we're determined to
resolve through various intervention methods, including evaluation of
alternative crude oil supply from Niger Republic through building of a pipeline
of over 1,000 kilometers from Agadem to Kaduna.”
In fact, KRPC's M. D., Idi Mukhtal,
added that the plant was already being reconfigured in view of the new supply
source, the way a butcher sharpens his knife before the slaughter.
For a significant undertaking with such
profound implications for Nigeria's sovereignty, it is quite
alarming Baru acts and speaks so casually. One, much has been said
about Nigeria's dis-articulated economy being the root of our national poverty
in the face of abundant resources: we import what we already have and export
what we seriously lack.
Baru's latest gambit provides yet
another comic illustration.
If the nation is
witnessing forex crisis today, it is partly because the bulk of what
we earn from crude export is used to offset the importation of refined
petroleum products. It is one vicious cycle. So, when Baru finished
laying his funny pipeline to Niger, how will he be paying the crude import?
Two, an argument has raged back and forth on the viability of the
nation's aging refineries in view of new economic realities with a near
consensus that government no longer has business running them. In fact, experts
have suggested outright sale of the nation's collection to private investors
seen as better equipped to run them more profitably and efficiently.
That is why the privately owned
650,000 pbd Dangote Refinery expected to come on stream in two
years offers some hope. So, how do we reconcile this with Baru's proposal?
Three, it is obvious that the 1,000km
pipeline is Karu's own silver bullet to side-step the "head
ache" from Niger Delta militants opposed to the continued flow of crude
from their soil to the north over perceived neglect and injustice. But that is
being clever by half.
A more sustainable approach is to summon the political will and
address the long-standing fundamental issues verging on fiscal federalism
rather than seek cheap escape route.
In any case, is it not the same
South-south that would invariably finance the construction of the proposed
1,000km pipeline through the daily harvest of crude oil?
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