Those
 skilled in psychoanalysis could not have missed the telltale hint. 
Newspaper images we saw of Yahya Jammeh receiving ECOWAS emissaries at 
the Banjul airport last Friday clearly depicted acute weight loss, 
accentuated by a distant look on his face.
Really,
 it would have been humanly impossible to be haunted at home and heckled
 from outside like Jammeh in the past seven weeks and remain unruffled.
An
 unconfirmed source even quoted him jokingly beseeching the leader of 
the august visitors, Nigeria's Muhamnadu Buhari, "Mr. President, please 
don't invade my country."
If
 true, it would seem the self-confessed herbalist (he claims HIV/AID 
cure) who prefers to be addressed elaborately as "His Excellency, Sheik,
 Professor, Alhaji, Doctor" had, alas, become aware of the limitation of
 his much-vaunted talisman.
|  | 
| Odion | 
But
 like the proverbial doomed house-fly destined to join the coffin in the
 grave, The Gambian buffoon failed to take advantage of the olive branch
 offer by the ECOWAS peace-makers in the last-ditch effort to save him 
from himself.  Not even another face-saving offer of asylum by the 
Nigerian congress would dissuade him from the path of perdition.
On Tuesday,
 he took liberty to impose a three-month state of emergency even when 
his legal mandate would expire less than twenty-four hours (Wednesday night).
Before
 then, the Government House had almost become deserted and Banjul a 
ghost town following the exodus of fearful citizens to Senegal and other
 neighboring countries. No fewer than eight cabinet members (including 
the Information and Foreign Ministers) had resigned and defected.
The
 floodgate of resignations was opened by no less than the chief 
electoral officer himself, Alieu Momar Njai. After declaring Adama 
Barrow winner of the December 1 polls, Njai had admitted some glitches in the process of tabulating the results.
But
 despite that the reconciled figures still did not alter the outcome 
significantly, Jammeh, who had ruled the tiny country for 22 years, 
suddenly found a cheap alibi to recant his earlier concession of victory
 to the opposition.
From initially accepting defeat, the Gambian desperado now wanted a re-run.
Njai's responded by sneaking out of the country, upsetting Jammeh's crafty trap.
So,
 as the Nigerian war ship and ECOWAS troops begin to mass along the 
Gambian coast in the days ahead for what now appears an inevitable 
invasion of the presidential fortress in Banjul, the nay-sayers - like 
Nigeria's deputy senate president Ike Eweremadu - need not misconstrue 
the historic necessity of the task at hand.
The mission to dislodge Jammeh for refusing to obey the electoral verdict of December 1
 should not be seen as a favour to a fellow West African nation. Rather,
 it is a moral duty owed the long-suffering people of The Gambia.
The
 argument of Eweremadu and those preaching against the military option 
is essentially based on the otherwise thoughtful notion that "to jaw-jaw
 is better than war-war". But such pacifism is tenable only on the 
premise that we are dealing with a sane man. From his conduct over the 
years, especially the odd symptoms seen in the past 49 days, it should 
be clear to everyone now we have on our hands a power psychopath, if not
 a first-class psychiatric patient.
Those
 presently worried about the material costs of a military invasion are 
only being myopic. They should consider the price ECOWAS would pay if 
the Jammeh cancer was not quickly staved and excised but instead allowed
 to metastasize into a full-blown civil war with the attendant 
humanitarian crisis and instability for the sub-region.
If
 nothing at all, ECOWAS' swift and robust handling of the issue thus far
 should be a source of pride not only to the people of the sub-region 
but the rest of the Africa that democratic norms and values are fast 
taking root and, most significantly, that the people themselves are now 
developing the mechanism and capacity to resolve issues arising 
therefrom in the spirit of African solidarity without the prodding of 
any external neo-colonial power.
Overall,
 perhaps only those with fairly long memory today could attest that 
Jammeh is indeed a calamity long foretold. After seizing power on July 
22, 1994 as a young Army officer, he never hid his admiration for then 
Nigerian fledgling despot, Sani Abacha.
As
 the infantry general in Abuja was increasingly isolated by the 
international community on account of his murderous proclivities, Jammeh
 became a regular visitor to Nigeria for fellowship at Aso Rock in his 
trademark gaudy costume of over-sized white Agbada, conspicuous sword 
and giant-sized prayer-beads, offering the public ceaseless comic 
entertainment. One salacious account has it that his preference for big 
Agbada in public outing is to conceal a permanent bulletproof vest.
But
 unlike Abacha who, lacking self-confidence, chose a rather serpentine 
route in pursuit of a transmutation from Army law-giver to civilian 
president, Jammeh short-circuited his own metamorphosis to a civilian 
president within two years in the relatively much smaller The Gambia.
Like
 his hero in kleptocracy in Abuja, the little read Jammeh ruled his tiny
 country with iron fist, even as he mindlessly purloined the bulk of the
 little that trickled into the national treasury mostly from peanut and 
tourism. And while the vast majority of Gambia's population of 2 million
 wallow in indigence, the megalomaniac leader lives a life of debauchery
 and filthy extravagance.
To
 further secure himself, he lately decided to mix politics with religion
 by proclaiming his country an Islamic country in blatant disregard for 
the sensibilities of a good number of citizens who are practising 
Christians. But one of the supreme ironies is that though he gave an 
executive order banning women from appearing in public without scarf 
consistent with Sharia practice, that hardly stopped his psychedelic 
Moroccan wife from continuing to flaunt openly her own procured assorted
 Brazilian hair at every opportunity.
Indeed,
 "Abachaology" and the darkness it embodied had since unraveled in the 
land of its birth. But the enduring tragedy is that the infatuated like 
Jammeh still seem detained by that sordid past, refusing to read the 
ominous handwriting now on the wall. The savages are unwilling to accept
 that, with a more conscientised electorate, fixing elections results or
 disobeying its outcome is fast going out of fashion in Africa.
It then explains why Jammeh, whose own family has since reportedly fled the
 country, seems still incapable of appreciating - much less following - 
the worthy footsteps of Ghana's John Mahama who, tellingly, is among the
 ECOWAS peacemakers today. Mahama vied for a second term in the Ghanaian
 polls and lost precisely a week after the exercise in The Gambia. Once 
fully in receipt of the figures from the polling units, he promptly 
called the opposition candidate to congratulate him, even before the 
results were officially declared by Ghana's electoral empire.
Now,
 even after 22 years in the saddle, the political glutton in Banjul is 
still unwilling to let go. But he no longer has a choice.
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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