By Louis Odion, FNGE
As distraught Zimbabweans suffered the misfortune of viewing the political funeral of Robert Mugabe in slow motion in Harare in the past few days, older compatriots must have been haunted by the ghost of his iconic and far more illustrious namesake - Bob (Robert) Marley.
It
was in the same Harare (then Salisbury) that the Raggae immortal stood in
1980 as a star guest at Mugabe's inauguration as first leader of independent
Zimbabwe and, amid the stirring percussion of guitar, horn and cymbal, rendered
a freshly composed number with eponymous title to a deliriously ecstatic crowd
and extravagantly expectant nation.
"Every
man has got his right to decide own destiny," he begins "And
in his judgement, there's no partiality..."
Alas,
thirty-seven years later, Marley would have wept at the sorry sight Zimbabwe
had become and the epic betrayal of the promise of 1980.
Moments
after his party ZANU-PF formally disowned him on Sunday and served 24-hour
impeachment notice having declared his psychedelic wife persona non
grata, Mugabe appeared in a televised national broadcast
flanked by the cartel of avenging generals.
Looking
spent but defiant, the old fox from Kutama continued to cling tenaciously onto
the presidential stool, even as political vultures circled overhead.
Meanwhile,
the Harare streets were throbbing with placard-bearing citizens marching in
solidarity with the military intervention of last Wednesday.
But
in what must have filled the uniformed enforcers surrounding him with
amusement, Mugabe ended his rambling speech by taking liberty to announce
official itinerary stretching to next month. The dinosaur was seeking to
preserve the sitting order in a sunk Titanic.
With
that, it became evident that Mugabe, like all deluded tyrants in history,
had completely lost touch with reality. He seemed incapable of realizing that
the game was up; that his captors were now directly scripting the power-play
pre-determined to completely strip him bare, beginning with his defenestration
at ZANU-PF's emergency caucus.
Overall,
the Mugabe tragedy is yet another reminder of the often limited shelf-life of
political heroism in Africa and should renew the old debate about the propriety
or otherwise of allowing the blood-tainted hands that liberate to also rule.
(The reason why Charles Taylor, who led a bloody rebellion in Liberia against
despotic Samuel Doe in the 80s, ended up in 2006 worse than the former
Sergeant.)
We
hear the message subliminally in another line in that same song by Marley:
"Soon we'll find out who is real revolutionary. I don't want my
people to be tricked by mercenary..."
Obviously,
Mugabe stayed too long in power for his own tragic flaws not to be exposed.
Perhaps, on account of his lead role in an atrocious guerrilla war, he was
psychologically ill-equipped to administer a post-war nation requiring
true reconciliation and exemplary statesmanship.
In
retrospect, what could be termed the only great moments in Zimbabwe were in the
first decade of independence. It witnessed the quantum leap in literacy ratio.
Its status as the food basket of the Southern African sub-region was
consolidated, making it one of the most prosperous countries with enviable
GDP.
ODION |
Instructively,
these great advances happened when the governance template was relatively
inclusive.
Soon,
Mugabe forgot another profound line in Marley's evocative Zimbabwe:
"Divide and rule will only tear us apart..."
Only
that would explain the maniacal venom he went about the land reforms,
invariably perpetrating on industrial scale the racism he and fellow guerrilla
fighters had accused Ian Smith of decades earlier.
After
Smith's unilateral declaration of the independence of Rhodesia (as Zimbabwe was
originally called) in 1965, his white minority clan sought to perpetuate the
control of more than 70 percent of Zimbabwe' land in the hands of a white caste
accounting for less than one percent of the population.
While
such arrangement was obviously unsustainable and provocative, Mugabe's abrasive
handling of the historically emotive issue worsened things. The country would
probably have been better for it had he imbibed even a quarter of Nelson
Mandela's political dexterity and conciliatory spirit that helped minimize
racial tension and eruption in the early years of post-Apartheid South
Africa.
Even
during the relatively "stable" 80s, he nevertheless had zero
tolerance for dissent. Sustained brutal crackdown on political opposition that
decade left thousands dead, aided and abetted by compromised leadership of the
armed forces.
So,
at the approach of the new millennium in 2000, it was clear the Zimbabwean
strongman had run out of fresh ideas to govern. As the asphyxiating effects of
economic blockade imposed by western countries kicked in, Mugabe, like the
trickster Marley muses about, easily resorted to the bogey of "land
reforms" to rally the dominant black population behind him and his party.
But
the big tragedy was that the black provincials who inherited the big farms from
the white lords soon discover they lacked the expertise to manage such
enterprise, thus doubling Zimbabwe's economic woes.
Of
course, Gucci Grace or disGrace (as Mugabe's erstwhile-secretary-turned-wife is
contemptuously called) was the temptress. She had sneaked into power through
the back door first as Mugabe's mistress as his much beloved first wife lay
terminally ill.
In
the second half of Mugabe's reign, she acted Shakespeare's darkly calculating
Lady Macbeth and the vain Imelda Marco of 20th century the
Philippines rolled into one.
It
is a reflection of her cantankerous nature that diplomatic immunity had to be
invoked twice for her to escape trial for criminal charges on foreign soil, the
latest being alleged physical assault on her son's girlfriend in a South
African hotel suite.
At
home, it is a measure of the life of debauchery she seduced old Mugabe into
that, just last month, she also got embroiled in a litigation involving a $1.3m
wedding anniversary ring. The Lebanese she paid the fortune to supply a
100-carat diamond band, as the story goes, attempted to swindle her by supplying
a counterfeit worth not more than $30,000. What was meant to be a secret deal
eventually exploded in court with the First Lady unashamed to own up to
coveting such prohibitive vanity at a time most Zimbabweans are unsure of their
next meal.
In
2014, she considered then lady Vice President a threat. She bad-mouthed her
publicly. Soon, her husband granted her desire by booting Mujuri out of office.
When Mugabe later sacked Mnangagwa as Vice President a fortnight ago, only a
few were left in doubt that the last hurdle had been cleared on Grace's path to
succeeding her nonagenarian hubby as president.
But
hitherto power-hungry Grace has not been sighted since the armoured tanks
cordoned off the presidential palace last week.
Bob
Marley must be turning in revulsion in his Kingston grave this moment.
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